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When the Euro crashes, what then ?
By martinshelvey, on November 20th, 2010
This is from Simon Heffer of the “Telegraph”
I fully concur with his point when he says :- when Angela Merkel recognises the political suicide of spending her electors’ hard-earned money on foreign wastrels – there will be a brief (or perhaps not so brief) economic dark age in the eurozone. We had better plan urgently to trade as much as we can
It would appear that pressure is building up in the EU and when the explosion and the final break comes it will be severe. We cannot sit back and enjoy this forthcoming catastrophe , it will affect us all.
(admin)
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Simon Heffer
Euro crisis: Britain needs to prepare for an economic dark age next door
The crisis in the eurozone shows why this country must widen its horizons, writes Simon Heffer.
The Euro might not survive in its present form Photo: PSL Images
By Simon Heffer 8:10PM GMT 16 Nov 2010Comments
On a shimmering day last June, I was talking to one of our most intelligent diplomats about the future of the euro. He told me, matter-of-factly, that there would be a serious crisis again before Christmas, and he suggested that it might not even survive in its present form. He has been proved right about the first point. Whether he is right about the second is anyone’s guess, but if the markets have their way, he will be.
Privately, those who understand the workings of the European Union, but who can manufacture the right amount of detachment about them, admit that the iron façade of common purpose in the European project is starting to creak and rust. For years, a series of pretences has been entered into by dreamers of the European dream about the union’s ability to advance as one entity. It has become worse since the inception of the single currency, of which this country is not, thank heaven, a member.
The club pretends (or sought to pretend: it is now wearing a bit thin) that the great disparities between, say, an economy like Germany’s and one like Ireland’s or Portugal’s could be accommodated within the same common policy; and could be so while individual countries were allowed a measure of economic sovereignty, such as setting their own tax rates. Technically, deficits were to be regulated, but in practice, and in the interests of not upsetting any applecarts, they were not: otherwise, France and Italy would have been booted out long ago. The result is that some countries are now threatening to break the system. And poor old Ireland, with a number of its state-owned banks facing oblivion, cannot even turn its economy around, despite heroic amounts of self-flagellation. But then, if you were trying to have an export-led recovery when your goods were denominated in a currency that is among the most expensive in the world, you would be suffering, too.
There is an old adage that you can’t devalue your way out of an economic problem. Actually, you can. It is called market forces. It is what this country did after being crowbarred out of the Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992. Our grotesquely overvalued currency plunged by about 30 per cent. Its price on the foreign exchanges reflected exactly what the rest of the world thought it was worth, based on the performance of our struggling economy. Let us not say that the currency was devalued: let us say instead that, allowed to float, it found its own level. We started to export more and we were able to reduce interest rates. By the time Labour took office four and a half years after Black Wednesday, it inherited a rather salubrious prospect.
There will be people in Dublin who wish that option were open to them. The right to devalue – or to have a currency whose value is judged by the market according to the economic policy and performance of Ireland itself – was sacrificed with the decision to enter the eurozone in 1999. Ireland made mistakes. It was awash with money, some of it bribes from the EU for its compliance with the neo-sovietising policy of that institution, much of it the equivalent of a South Sea bubble engaged in by reckless and greedy bankers who were capitalising on low interest rates that reflected a general European economy, not a specific Irish one. Ireland lost a sense of reality and proportion. It has now reached the station exit and spotted the ticket collector: but it can’t find a ticket.
So Ireland faces an ugly decision. Does it, as my colleague Peter Oborne has suggested, leave the euro? Well, it could: but as its debt is denominated largely in euros, the country will struggle to repay it using a greatly devalued currency. It might then have to default on all or some of that debt, which would leave it in an almost Icelandic situation, and with no one wishing to lend it money to keep going. It would be a digital-age equivalent of the potato famine. Everyone who could get out would; those who couldn’t would shoulder a burden of masterminding the recovery that they were ill-equipped to bear.
The price of staying in is a final, and perhaps near-permanent, surrender of what remains of Ireland’s economic sovereignty. The central bank in Frankfurt, funded by increasingly agitated Germans, has covertly been helping out tottering Irish banks. It would now, effectively, have to colonise Ireland. Is that what the centuries-long struggle for independence from Britain was supposed to culminate in? I doubt it. If Ireland is to be bailed out, whether by the ECB or the IMF, it will have to do what it is told. And the ECB, as it eyes Portugal and Spain, and continues to eye Greece, and worries about Italy, will start to think that only complete sovietisation – central control of economies from Frankfurt, with tax rates, deficits and spending run by people who will brook no dissent – can produce a sound, coherent, European economy.
Such a project would simply multiply the strains already apparent in the present system. What is the main issue at most elections fought in most of the 16 member states of the eurozone? It is the economy. But what happens if voting at elections changes nothing about economic policy, because it is already controlled by unelected officials in Frankfurt working in tandem with unelected officials in Brussels? How do the people of any country undergoing economic hardship, because of what they regard as a faulty economic policy, obtain redress? If they cannot do so through the ballot box, what other methods are open to them? Some of you may have thought I was being playful, or provocative, or simply exaggerating, in using a term such as “sovietised”. But I was not, and I hope you now begin to see why.
The best solution for Europe would break the dream altogether: for Germany, the strength of whose economy distorts the value of the euro, to leave the eurozone and re-establish the Deutschmark. This would drive down the value of the euro precipitately, but would make things easier for the ailing economies within it. The Germans would lose nothing: in fact, quite the reverse, as they would have a currency whose strength would be undiluted by unregenerate profligates and spendthrifts in Ireland and in Club Med, and could go around buying up the world with their enormous economic strength. Meanwhile, everyone else could regroup. Any country that felt insulted by this (as I suspect France might) could ask instead to join the Deutschmark zone, if it was mad enough.
Herman Van Rompuy, the president of the European Commission, predictably said yesterday that if the euro went down, the EU would go down with it. This was all part of the terror tactics against Ireland to accept sovietisation: it was akin to saying “do what you are told”. Doubtless Portugal and Spain will be told the same, and will do the same. How long, though, will the Germans be happy to pay for it?
We, by contrast, should be looking for new markets in America and Asia. When the inevitable happens to Europe – when Angela Merkel recognises the political suicide of spending her electors’ hard-earned money on foreign wastrels – there will be a brief (or perhaps not so brief) economic dark age in the eurozone. We had better plan urgently to trade as much as we can elsewhere.